Margaret Mead Japan China Religie en seks Moral panics Seks en robots Seksuele ontwikkeling Seksualisering Leeftijdverschillen Geweld en misbruik Consent Sexting Prostitutie Pornografie"A culture of suspicion has arisen in the intimate relationships between children and parents, partners and relatives." Viviene E. CREE e.a. - Revisiting moral panics, p.16
Viviene E. CREE e.a."All the contributors to the volume are, in their own ways, engaging critically with the relevance of moral panic ideas for their own understandings of some of the most pressing personal, professional and political concerns of the day. They do not all come up with the same conclusions, but they do agree that moral panics – no matter how we think of them – focus on the social issues that worry us most."(xi)
"Social work as an academic discipline and a profession plays a central role in the process of defining social issues and then trying to do something about them – that is our job! So we have to be particularly alert to the part we play within this. We are, in moral panic parlance, ‘moral entrepreneurs’ and ‘claims makers’: we tell society (government, policy makers, other practitioners, members of the public) what the social problems are, how they should be understood and how they should be addressed. We do so, in 21st-century terms, through secular, professional and academic discourse, but at heart, what we are expressing is a set of ideas about how we should live and what it is to be human. In other words, we remain a ‘moral’ and, at times, moralising profession." [mijn nadruk] (xii)
"Hence the lens of moral panic highlights the ways in which social issues that begin with real concerns may lead to the labelling and stigmatising of certain behaviours and individuals; they may precipitate harsh and disproportionate legislation; they may make people more fearful and society a less safe place." [mijn nadruk] (xii)
[De nadelen van morele paniek goed samengevat. ]
"These events have encouraged us to ask wider questions in articles and blogs about physical and sexual abuse, and about potentially negative fall-out from the furore around historic abuse. This has not been easy: how do we get across the reality that we are not minimising the damage that abuse can cause, while at the same time calling for a more questioning approach to victimisation and social control? These questions remain challenging as we move forward." [mijn nadruk] (xiv)
[Deze balanceeract ontstaat natuurlijk vooral ook, omdat mensen in een morele paniek geen kritiek of tegenargumenten willen horen op hun standpunten. Goed dat ze het proberen.]
[De theorie over morele paniek interesseert me niet erg. Mij gaat het om de praktijk.]
Een mooi overzicht van leven en werk van Stanley Cohen. Ook een overzicht van het eerste deel.
"This chapter interrogates moral panic through examination of the treatment of child abuse and femicide in Italy in recent years.(...) As we will see, waves of concern about child abuse were apparent in the years 2006 to 2009; then a new kind of phenomenon emerged in 2012: ‘femicide’. This term and its menace spread through different arenas under the pressure of feminist movements, moral entrepreneurs and politicians, thus provoking widespread social alarm and calls for action." [mijn nadruk] (9)
[Invloed van de Angelsaksische landen? ]
"In Italy, some professionals organised themselves into associations that became pressure groups and interest groups, and entered media arenas. They led moral crusades, sensitising parents to the innumerable risks for children and the danger of emotional damage, thus producing anxieties for both parents and a wider public. In particular, therapy culture gained consensus in social services and among social workers, and this engendered child-abuse moral panics."(10)
"It is my contention that campaigns centred on child abuse and femicide have all the fundamental ingredients of a moral panic; the process of their development and decline is similar to the processes described by the classic moral panic models, as will now be explored in more detail."(11)
"Politicians have progressively involved themselves in the child-abuse moral panics. The discourses of right-wing politicians stress the value of the traditional and patriarchal family, shifting the attention to paedophilia in order to underline the extra-familial nature of child abuse. In parallel, they promote a policy of uncertainty based on the sensationalisation of crimes and insecurity (Maneri, 2013). Left-wing politicians meanwhile focus their attention on children as victims to be protected, as subjects ‘at risk of suffering by the hands of adults’ (Critcher, 2009). This clashes with a progressive representation of children as participative subjects with agency: autonomous and active." [mijn nadruk] (12)
[Uiteraard tegen alle feiten in.]
"Paradoxically, the representations by feminist movements of women and children as vulnerable and victims gave liberal and conservative governments opportunities to reinforce the consensus." [mijn nadruk] (14)
"Both the moral panic about child abuse and the moral panic about femicide had feminist roots: children and women were presented as easy victims of the male as predator. The spread of therapy culture in social work (often, again, with its roots in feminist ideas) also played a key part in the development of these moral panics." [mijn nadruk] (14)
"A culture of suspicion has arisen in the intimate relationships between children and parents, partners and relatives."(16)
[Niet interessant.]
"Negative framing of the poor – alongside amplified expressions of class disgust – amid the on-going programme of welfare reform has been noted elsewhere (Tyler, 2013). Links between child maltreatment and welfare claimants are also common (Warner, 2013)."(29)
[Wat is nieuw?]
"In New Zealand, there is evidence of moral framing of Maori (indigenous people of New Zealand) families and welfare beneficiary status, as shown in the following media story, linking child-abuse statistics to the beneficiary status of teen parents"(31)
[Verder ook niet interessant. Neigt naar theorie. ]
"However, despite this shift to regarding teenage pregnancy and parenting as social and health problems, the moral overtones have not gone away, and, it could be argued, have resurfaced in recent years."(39)
"This link between pervasive stereotypes of teen parents dependent on benefits and the ideological assumption that early child-bearing stems from poor individual choices and lifestyles has a direct (and negative) impact on young parents’ well-being."(39)
[Over de omstandigheden waarbinnen die keuzes gemaakt moeten worden, hoor je natuurlijk niets. ]
"Goode and Ben-Yehuda (1994) argue that a moral panic exists when a substantial proportion of a population regard a particular subgroup as posing a threat to society and moral order as a result of their behaviour, and demand that something must be done – that something often being ‘strengthening the social control apparatus of society’ (Goode and Ben- Yehuda, 1994, p 31)."(40)
"As for the true scale of the problem, according to the Office for National Statistics (2011) the teenage birth rate has been falling steadily for 30 years, and in 2010 was at its lowest point since 1968. In addition, conception rates increased in all age groups excepting the under-20s; in other words, fewer teenagers are getting pregnant, and fewer of those who do get pregnant are carrying the baby to term. However, in order to have a moral panic, people must believe that there is something to panic about and, despite these figures, a survey conducted in 2013 in the UK found that people think teenage pregnancy is about 25 times higher than it actually is: the survey showed that people think 15% of under-16s get pregnant every year when official figures suggest it is about 0.6% (Ipsos-MORI, 2013)." [mijn nadruk] (41)
[ Een mooi voorbeeld van het negeren van de feiten. ]
"A frequently used example of the undeserving, and in this sense a classic folk devil, is the stereotypical teenage single mother who gets pregnant in order to get a council flat, at the expense of hard-working families. This example persists despite there being no evidence to support it, and despite the fact that over 90% of new housing-benefit claimants in the years 2010–12 were in work (Brown, 2012). However, it works as a useful stereotype because it encapsulates several moral panics in one – teenagers having sex, non-taxpayers getting something for nothing, lazy shirkers getting more than hard-working strivers, the wrong type of women having babies, the dangers of an ‘underclass’ out-breeding the middle class (Arai, 2009)."(42)
[Ook een voorbeeld. Het is jammer dat de auteur niet ingaat op de maatschappelijke normen over jongeren en seksualiteit die vaak de reden zijn van tienerzwangerschappen - een informatie, geen voorzieningen.]
[Iemand die vindt dat morele paniek als concept niet meer belangrijk is en wil praten over 'risico' / 'veiligheid', en zo meer. Maar hij ziet gewoon het normatieve niet in allerlei beleid en hangt in abstracties als de volgende:]
"As the morally autonomous family declines as an ideal and as something that is expected or indeed desired, anxiety has grown about the need to support ‘post-liberal’ parents ever earlier in their parenting."(53)
"I would like to end by concluding that the family today is less an institution around which moral panics can be located, than a new site for amoral elite anxieties to be expressed and the diminished subject to be kept safe."(55)
"Suspicion of families (as ‘hotbeds’ of both gender and generational abuse and neglect) is now a generally accepted starting-point for social work contact with families. At a time when working and welfare poverty, malnutrition and homelessness are all increasing, so ‘child protection’ is now the main, if not the only, reason for social workers to be involved with families."(59)
"But today, the right to private and family life seems to be increasingly seen, through official eyes at least, as a barrier to the protection of children, of women, of others described as ‘vulnerable’, from all sorts of risk and harm within their families and intimate relationships."(60)
Definities van risico's en zo verder worden steeds breder.
"Definitions of risk and harm have also been stretched in the case of the fervour that has been created around early years policies in Scotland and England. These have been based on claims originating in the US that pre-birth and the first three years of a child’s life ‘hard wire’ the infant’s brain and largely determine her or his future. Based on this theory, intervening early in the early years to prevent harm is essential and has become a cornerstone of government policy, north and south of the border. These assertions have been debunked in a number of academic publications (for example, Wastell and White, 2012; Featherstone et al, 2012, 2013 and 2014)" [mijn nadruk] (62-63)
[Nou, dat laatste is maar goed ook. Wat een biologische onzintheorie weer. ]
"But, unfortunately, such bad science is being routinely believed and acted upon in social work decisions about children. Pre-birth or pre-discharge child protection conferences are now regularly convened on the basis of ‘risks’ to the child’s development and attachments that ‘might’ exist, rather than on any actual evidence that any child has or will come to harm. These conferences consider measures (including the removal of a child at birth) that might be necessary to prevent some future possible harm. The victims of these decisions are usually parents in poverty and adversity, but increasingly, it seems that families who are ‘different’ or who oppose professionals are the target of over-zealous action. Indeed, being oppositional and hostile to professionals can now in itself be taken as evidence of risk, but so also it is claimed can ‘disguised compliance’, which involves appearing to agree with professionals." [mijn nadruk] (63)
[Blijf ver weg van therapeuten, welzijnswerkers en zo meer met hun ondoordachte pseudowetenschappelijke opvattingen.]
"Nevertheless, concern for children in families with no money, no fuel, shoddy and damp housing has not gone so far as making sure that families in difficulty are offered support, and help has been given no such urgency in official or professional guidance. Benefit sanctions that leave parents without money for food, fuel, rent, fares to school are not seen as germane to child protection."(63)
[Typisch voor het individualiseren van problemen en het negeren van de maatschappelijke oorzaken, alles uiteraard vanuit waarden en normen van de middenklasse. Er is nooit wat veranderd. ]
"The internment of girls in Ireland’s Magdalene laundries and the forced adoption of their children, the deportation of thousands of children to the British colonies in the 20th century have all been the subject of films, documentaries, inquiries. (...) No panic alarm seemed to be sounded about these at the time, by social workers or others. The authorities of the day facilitated and funded these forced removals, separations and adoptions. The children’s charities and religious orders were congratulated for their work in rescuing children and giving them ‘new lives’, thus ending what was held to be the ‘cycle’ of deprivation and depravity. Will today’s fervour for early intervention and forced adoption be the scandal of tomorrow?" [mijn nadruk] (64)
Deze inleiding is gewijd aan Geoffrey Pearson:
"his work has played a key part in the development of thinking around the issue of deviance, especially deviance associated with young people, a central theme within moral panic writings. For this reason, we have chosen to include him in this volume."(69)
Volgt een overzicht van de hoofdstukken.
"All the chapters in this part highlight the importance of not taking things for granted and of questioning the basis of our beliefs. The social issues identified here all have consequences, often negative ones, for individuals and for society; such is the power of panics." [mijn nadruk] (70-71)
"The majority of the children’s workforce would recognise the sense of threat; the over-simplifications; the moral outrage; the endless and seemingly futile attempts to ‘never let this happen again’ and the many, many ways in which countless experts have pointed out how the job might be better done." [mijn nadruk] (73)
"The consequence of this is that, for at least 30 years, public, political and professional focus has remained on the mechanisms of regulation rather than on the mechanisms of causation as far as child abuse is concerned."(74)
[Goed geformuleerd.]
"Where scandals do not occur is just as interesting as where they do. For example, broadly speaking, the youth justice ‘arms race’ since the mid-1990s, whereby successive governments have sought to be tougher on crime and criminals than their predecessors, has met with little opposition, and despite over 20 years of Chief Inspector of Prisons Reports that testify to the endemic bullying, atrocious living conditions and ill-treatment of children and young adults in custody there has been hardly a trace of scandal (Drakeford and Butler, 2007)."(75)
"In that sense, scandals don’t just happen, and certainly they don’t just happen because things ‘go wrong’ – things go wrong every day. Scandals are constructed. New meanings are applied to events that are quite different to those applied to the same events by those who inhabit the world in which the scandal originates – it is at this point that the connection between iconic child deaths and Cohen’s fundamental account of a moral panic becomes more obvious."(76)
"Space does not permit a detailed exploration of how the worst excesses of tabloid reporting woefully and reprehensibly wove a web of meaning around a child’s tragic death, largely for immediate political purposes of their own. There was the familiar virulent misogyny aimed at the key protagonists; the implicit racism in the tabloid accounts that lingered over what was portrayed as the sinister and foreign-sounding consultant who had failed to diagnose Peter Connelly’s severe spinal injuries; and there was much of the ‘political correctness gone mad’ theme that was perhaps best summed up in the Sun’s 14 November 2008 headline ‘Incompetent, politically correct and anti-white’." [mijn nadruk] (78)
"In more recent work Cree et al (2012) examine this event and the establishment of the UK’s Child Exploitation and Online Protection Centre (CEOPS) through a moral panic lens and argue that the emphasis then as now is on the sexual-exploitation aspects of trafficking; other more mundane and less sensationalist reasons for trafficking – domestic care and agricultural work, for example, tend to be overshadowed." [mijn nadruk] (84)
"The issue of children coming to the UK is therefore understood as a problem because children are separated from their parents, families and communities; this distance between and separateness from their origins and immediate family is perceived in policy terms as being laden with risks and vulnerabilities."(85)
[Ja, want in alle gezinnen is er sprake van liefde en harmonie voor elkaar. Erg conservatief uitgangspunt. ]
"These explanations lack context and simplify what are traditional, complicated and reciprocal international familial relationships, obligations and duties that sustain communities and promote cohesion. Children coming to the UK in such circumstances are not sold and their relationships with their families in their countries of origin remain important. The ideology of the family that is promoted in the anti-trafficking policy narratives and media reports is of a specific form and bears little resemblance to a wider understanding of the constitutions of family forms found in different parts of the world."(86)
[Precies.]
"Certain groups gain prestige and status and have ‘vested interests’ in exposing and exaggerating levels of concern about child trafficking. In the UK the NGOs that are party to national and international governmental anti-trafficking activities could be said to have a vested interest in terms of advancing their agendas, and they have previously advocated protective policy measures based on single and extreme cases (that is, the death of Victoria Climbié in London while in the care of her great aunt, to whom she was entrusted by her Côte d’Ivoire parents). The absence of an informed and academic debate on the subject has left space for the emergence of stories about child trafficking that have little basis in reality." [mijn nadruk] (86)
[Zoals gewoonlijk willen conservatieve groepen en mensen de feiten niet weten of de situatie onderzocht hebben om achter de feiten te komen.]
"Critically, child trafficking has come to be understood as being about wider societal and, particularly, sexual threats to children as well as about ‘innocent and helpless victims’ (Buckland, 2008). In relation to trafficking in women and children the domination of a ‘victim trope’ together with the positioning of men as predators, abusers, exploiters or crime bosses, legitimates restrictive and punitive policies, again an approach that underestimates the structural factors that lead to migrations (Buckland, 2008, p 43)." [mijn nadruk] (88)
"Global structural factors that influence migratory flows are avoided, minimised in the narratives, the emphasis being on tackling the crimes of exploitation, and protecting, indeed rescuing, children from the clutches of wicked criminal gangs. These modern melodramatic tactics are also found in the media exposures of child trafficking that are designed to scandalise and shock audiences. This is hardly surprising, given that the media tend to rely upon anti-trafficking NGOs as ‘authoritative’ sources of information." [mijn nadruk] (89)
"The UK establishment, media, policy makers and anti-trafficking campaigners in the 21st century have employed well-rehearsed methods for characterising child trafficking as a moral issue, using melodramatic tactics to arouse public indignation and anger at the exploitation of innocent victims, the historical precursors being evident in the 19th- century campaigns against the ‘white slave trade’." [mijn nadruk] (90)
"The trope of ‘lost childhood’ is a recurring one within UK newspapers.(...) For those in childhood studies, the trope is familiar, drawing on adults’ idealisations of childhood based around children’s ‘pricelessness’, innocence and vulnerability. A less familiar way to consider the trope is through the lens of moral panic theory. This chapter brings together concepts from moral panics and childhood studies to help analyse this ‘lost childhood’ trope." [mijn nadruk] (93)
Analyse van een ingezonden brief in een krant door een aantal zogenaamde experts als een voorbeeld van morele paniek.
"Clapton and colleagues (2013) write about ‘moral entrepreneurs’ and ‘claims-makers’ as similar concepts, arising from Cohen (1972) and Jenkins (1992), respectively. Moral entrepreneurs or claims makers involve themselves in ‘moralising projects, campaigns and crusades that contribute to the genesis of a moral panic’ (Clapton et al, 2013, p 804). They seek to extend the reach of their expertise, in a net-widening effect (Clapton et al, 2013, p 805). The letter makes it easy to consider the moral entrepreneurs and the claims makers in this particular example. The text, and the accompanying story, did not originate in the Telegraph; a core group of people organised the letter, recruited others to sign and then submitted it to the newspaper."(95)
"What moral concerns are evident in the letter? And how are the concerns, the deviant conduct, symptomatic of broader issues?"(96)
"Children’s value lies in their ability to give meaning and fulfilment to their parents’ lives. For parents, protecting their children, protecting the ‘preciousness of childhood’, seeking to provide their own children with the ‘perfect childhood’ freed from adult worries and concerns, gives them meaning and fulfilment."(96)
"These well-rehearsed constructions of childhood are evident in the letter. The nostalgic ideas of childhood preciousness and innocence are demonstrated by the concerns about children having ‘too much, too soon’ and ‘growing up too quickly’. Instead, to draw on Rousseau-like ideas, children should be outdoors, playing and ‘connected to nature’. The letter expresses a particular concern about modern technology, which in the second paragraph becomes narrowed to ‘screen-based technology’ and is frequently paired with commercial pressures. Children should be protected from such technology and commercialisation, kept away rather than empowered to engage with it (see Buckingham, 2011 for a discussion of childhood constructions within consumer culture)." [mijn nadruk] (97)
"Indeed, the letter can be characterised, following Zelizer and Jenks, as being more about parenthood, adulthood and societal concerns than about childhood itself.(...) The second paragraph of the letter starts ‘Although parents are deeply concerned about this issue …’; it does not start with children having concerns about this issue, citing no evidence directly from children." [mijn nadruk] (97)
"Empowerment has connections with social movements and freedom from oppression (see Teamey and Hinton, 2014), but it also has been criticised for being unduly individualistic and failing to confront institutional and structural power sufficiently (Cornwall and Brock, 2005)." [mijn nadruk] (98)
"The letter does not discuss children’s on-going contributions to their families, households and communities, and there is no mention of agency – a key concept within childhood studies that recognises children as social actors (see James, 2009; Oswell, 2013). These moral claims, therefore, are not made.
The letter instead appeals to particular constructions of childhood. These constructions of an idealised childhood, a version of which may have existed for some children in some places (and indeed for some of the adults signing the letter). But historical and global evidence of children and childhood shows that childhood was and is often a time of work as well as of play, of experiencing the hardships of poverty, illness and disability, conflict and violence as well as of learning and affection (Cunningham, 2005; Wells, 2009). The letter appeals to a nostalgic view of childhood that may have existed for some, but certainly not across the world, nor over time. By setting up this idealised childhood, however, a childhood that is being ‘eroded’ and ‘lost’, the letter sets up ‘good’ and ‘bad’ childhood – and ‘good’ and ‘bad’ parenting." [mijn nadruk] (98)
"The lobbying work of a combination of experts and spokespeople, coupled with a particular moral standpoint, could certainly be regarded as claims-making activity and one of the features of the stages of a moral panic."(99)
[Grotendeels een enorm vaag verhaal.]
"the most recent panics over sex offenders are the consequence of a culture that disproportionately emphasises child protection – and are likely to remain so because of the establishment of the child-welfare movement, health and mental health services and the increased involvement of women in decision making (Fox, 2013)." [mijn nadruk] (104)
"She argues that constituting the paedophile as the number one folk devil sits oddly with a society that, in areas such as fashion, beauty and art, seeks to fetishise and market youthful bodies."(105)
"This chapter examines the Rotherham abuse scandal, which centres on the exploitation and abuse of (mostly) teenage girls between 1997 and 2013 in the South Yorkshire town of Rotherham and the publication of an official inquiry report (Jay, 2014) into the abuse and, more specifically, into agencies’ response to it."(113)
"This chapter considers the Rotherham abuse scandal from a moral panic perspective."(113)
De auteur doet dat via de analyse van dagbladartikelen.
"All newspapers prominently and repeatedly refer to the official figure of 1,400 victims. There is no critical analysis of this figure."(114)
[Voegt niets toe aan het tweede deel, vind ik.]
Deze inleiding is gewijd aan Stuart Hall:
"In common with the other parts of this book, a key theorist within the ‘moral panic’ genre is now introduced. Stuart Hall’s ideas have been pivotal to the development of a more overly political analysis of moral panics."(133)
"If there is any consensus across the chapters, it is that moral panics have potentially detrimental consequences for all of us; they can be used by the state, as Hall et al (1978) demonstrated clearly, to justify policies and legislation that are, at the very least, repressive and regressive."(134)
"Children are simultaneously understood to be innocent, yet capable of being corrupted; in control of bewildering technology, yet somehow vulnerable to its dark side; networked to the world, yet also alone and vulnerable. Articles like these have proliferated in print and online media; meanwhile, new scares have been identified and named, including cyberbullying, children sexting, online grooming, adults accessing child pornography and children accessing legal (adult) pornography." [mijn nadruk] (138)
"This parallels more recent fears about pornography ‘distorting [children’s] view of sex and relationships’ (Cameron, 2013).In common with the current moral panic about children and the internet, strong concern was expressed in the 1950s about long-term damage to children’s emotional and psychological development. Barker (1984a) expressed the view that the highly emotive nature of concerns about children’s development led to there being no effective opposition to the campaign, and it resulted in the passing of legislation, despite a lack of empirical evidence."(138)
[Toch blijf ik me afvragen of die beeldvorming — geweld, horror, koude seks — geen invloed heeft op jongeren en zaken in de verkeerde richting stuurt. En in lijn daarmee vraag ik me af of het zo erg is om bepaalde zaken te censureren. Dat is normatief, ik weet het. En blijkbaar is er geen empirisch bewijs voor. Maar met de empirie is het slecht gesteld zoals blijkt uit de bespreking van een overzichtsrapport:]
"The study was limited in time and scope (as its title suggests) and was based mainly on a literature review of published papers, very few of which were from the UK. Nevertheless, the report does contain some findings that are instructive. Most notably, the report found very little research anywhere on the effects on children and young people of exposure to pornography. It points out that comparable research on the effects on children of violence in the media elicits contradictory evidence."(139)
"As with the previous moral panics of horror comics and video nasties, the emotive nature of the issue has silenced debate; any potential loss of freedom of speech seems to us a small price to pay in comparison with something as serious as children and children’s moral development. Cultural differences in how much value is given to free speech and free expression play a role."(140)
[Een ander probleem is dat christenen en conservatieven hetzelfde roepen als ik met heel andere doelen. Bijvoorbeeld omdat ze alle seks uit de wereld willen helpen als het om jongeren gaat. Ik heb bijvoorbeeld bezwaar tegen de meeste vormen van porno, niet alle. En ik wil vergaande voorlichting over en ondersteuning van seks bij jongeren en niet een of andere 'abstinence' opvatting. En ik wil een zeer beperkte censuur: de auteur maakt duidelijk dat er gevaren zitten aan internetfilters:]
"There is much to fear from a closed, regulated internet for social work and for those who are concerned about the rights of oppressed people all around the world. The policy of ‘default on’ internet filtering has already caused damage, because filtering programmes are relatively unsophisticated and cannot distinguish between harmful material and educational or informative material. There have been examples of access to LGBT information sites being lost (Cooper, 2013), and also of access to sex education and sexual health websites being curtailed (Blake, 2013). There is also a danger that access to sites that carry independent news and information on issues such as global affairs and terrorism, female genital mutilation, abuse and human trafficking, forced prostitution and so on will be closed off. It is possible to ask for blocked sites to be ‘white listed’. However, it is not clear how easy this process might be and people may not realise that they want to access a site if they cannot see what is on it in the first place. Young people who wish to access information about concerns such as anorexia may also find access blocked to sites that would actually be helpful to them. Teenagers who want to discuss issues to do with relationships can easily have their access to these sites curtailed if their parents deny household access to web forums." [mijn nadruk] (143)
"For those who care about child protection issues such as online grooming, exploitation and cyberbullying, internet filtering gives the illusion that the government is doing something to protect children online, when in fact it isn’t addressing these problems."(143)
"The existing moral panic again plays of fears about new technology, corruption of childhood and a new threat of violence – this time from terrorism and religious extremism, as will be discussed more fully in subsequent chapters."(144)
Over de moord op Lee Rigby in 2013 door twee moslims.
"A familiar story has emerged, picked up and carried in all of the major news outlets, that the attackers had been ‘radicalised on the internet’, supporting a narrative of the internet as a place where extreme views are contained and where people who harbour vicious, murderous intent have a safe and secure home.(...) The phrase ‘cyber jihad’ has been coined to describe aspects of internet activity."(149-150)
[Ik vind dit verder niet zo interessant. ]
"Since the early 2000s, the ‘chav’ has become a widely spread stereotype, well-institutionalised into British public and everyday discourse (le Grand, 2013). The term is tied to strong forms of hostility and moral- aesthetic distinction, and commonly applied to white working-class youths appropriating a certain style of appearance, including what is known as ‘streetwear’ clothing and jewellery. Drawing on an analysis of news media, websites and popular culture, this chapter discusses the social reaction to chavs and how it is bound up with the formation of class identities."(159)
"Since the early 2000s, the ‘chav’ has become a widely spread stereotype, well-institutionalised into British public and everyday discourse (le Grand, 2013). The term is tied to strong forms of hostility and moral-aesthetic distinction, and commonly applied to white working-class youths appropriating a certain style of appearance, including what is known as ‘streetwear’ clothing and jewellery. Drawing on an analysis of news media, websites and popular culture, this chapter discusses the social reaction to chavs and how it is bound up with the formation of class identities.(...) Moreover, chavs are portrayed as loud mouthed and aggressive. Male chavs in particular are often associated with violence and petty crime, such as football hooliganism, vandalism, assaults and muggings. This is captured by the notion that the term is an acronym for ‘council housed and violent’. Chavs are also described as promiscuous and sexually irresponsible, and this is especially the case for ‘chavettes’, that is, female chavs, who are depicted as ‘sluts’ with no control over their sexuality. They are also associated with teenage pregnancy and motherhood. Thus, in a Daily Mail article entitled ‘A-Z of chavs’, one can read: ‘PRAM: Any Chavette who isn’t pushing one of these by the age of 14 is obviously frigid, infertile or a “lezza” [lesbian]’ (Thomas, 2004). Moreover, chavs have often been portrayed as uneducated, lazy, unemployed welfare cheats lacking any willingness to work, who are happily using the welfare system paid for by ‘us’ hard-working respectable people." [mijn nadruk] (161)
"Yet many commentators, especially from the Left, have criticised ‘chav-bashing’ as a form of classism or class-racism."(162)
"The ‘riots’ in England during August 2011 involved a level of public disturbance and destruction rarely seen in the United Kingdom. These events resulted in widespread speculation as to the causes of, and solutions to, the violence and looting. The public and media responses could be seen as constituting a ‘moral panic’ in relation to the people involved, particularly in terms of the scapegoating of the young people who took part in the ‘riots’. In this regard, Prime Minister David Cameron argued that the involvement of many young people was related to poor parenting and absent fathers, and stated that he would seek to ‘turn around the lives of the 120,000 most troubled families in the country’. This chapter explores the way in which ‘troubled families’ were portrayed as a cause of people’s involvement in the ‘riots’ and critically examines the implications of such understandings of and responses to public unrest." [mijn nadruk] (169)
[Dat vat meteen het hoofdstuk samen. Wat mij betreft voldoende.]
[Totaal niet interessant.]
[Ook niet.]
Hier aandacht voor Jock Young.
"Intellectually, Young was a sociologist in the tradition of C. Wright Mills. His book The Criminological Imagination (2011) acknowledges Mills’s legacy and critiques the positivist, abstracted empiricism and the lack of imagination in much current-day criminology."(198)
"Importantly for this part, Young’s work, reflecting Wright Mills’s influence, synthesises the structural with the personal and, in so doing, offers compelling insights into the moral dimension of the human condition." [mijn nadruk] (198)
"According to the cultural script of virtually every western society, child abusers are ubiquitous. This script invites the public to regard all strangers – particularly men – as potential child molesters. The concept of ‘stranger danger’ and the campaigns that promote it have as their explicit objective the educating of children to mistrust adults that they do not know. This narrative of stranger danger helps to turn what ought to be the unthinkable into an omnipresent threat that preys on our imagination. Represented as a universal threat, the peril of paedophilia demands perpetual vigilance.(...) That is why physical contact between adults and children has become so intensely scrutinised and policed." [mijn nadruk] (201-202)
"Moral entrepreneurs, especially those associated with the child-protection industry, adopt a rhetoric that is classically associated with scaremongering demonologists. They continually use the discourse of big numbers to support the argument that ‘all children are at risk’." [mijn nadruk] (202)
"The moral weight of such claims is rarely contested, since anyone who questions the doctrine of the omnipresence of abuse is likely to be denounced as an appeaser of the child predator."(202)
"The adoption of the tactics and strategy of the war against terrorism to the crusade against paedophiles is symptomatic of a world-view that risks losing the capacity to understand the distinction between fantasy and reality."(203)
"Consequently, relations between generations are now carefully regulated and policed. In every walk of life, an assumption of ‘guilty until proven innocent’ underpins intergenerational relations. The premise that all adults pose a potential risk to children means that the criminal records check is the current index of trust; police checks on millions of adults are deemed essential before they can be trusted to be near, or to work with, children." [mijn nadruk] (203)
"It is now common practice for nurseries and schools to send out letters to parents to sign to give teachers the right to put sun cream on their child. Some nurseries have sought to get around this problem by asking their employees to use sprays rather than rub sun cream onto children’s bodies. These ‘no touch’ rules are underpinned by an ideology that regards physical contact between adults and children as a precursor to potentially malevolent behaviour (see Piper and Stronach, 2008)." [mijn nadruk] (204)
[Totaal belachelijk.]
"Bans in one domain of adult–child interaction have a nasty habit of leading to bans in another. ‘No-touch’ rules are followed by ‘no picture’ rules that seek to prevent parents and others from taking pictures of children during school plays, concerts and sporting activity. In some playgrounds and parks, there are rules that seek to ban ‘unaccompanied adults’ from entering the site. From this perspective, the idea that an adult watching a child play can be an innocent act of enjoying the sight of youngsters fooling around is simply preposterous; only a pervert, it is suggested, would wish to watch other people’s children playing."M [mijn nadruk] (204)
[Totaal geschift inderdaad.]
"From the standpoint of cultural sociology, the numerous campaigns launched to protect children and to promote an alarmist state of concern about the threat of child predators is usefully captured by the concept of a moral crusade. In his classic study of moral enterprise, Becker concludes that the ‘final outcome of the moral crusade is a police force’ (Becker, 1963, p 156). Threats are represented as not just physical hazards, but a danger to the natural order of things. It was this perception in early modern Europe that gave witch-hunting its mandate and fierce passion. Similarly, the powerful sense of moral repugnance of the practice of ‘self-pollution’ by 18th-century moral entrepreneurs against the dangers of masturbation was inextricably linked to the conviction that this was the most unnatural of acts. Advocates of these causes almost effortlessly make the conceptual jump from unnatural to malevolent and from malevolent to evil." [mijn nadruk] (205)
"The sacralisation of the child is the flip side of the tendency to universalise the threat of paedophilia. The unique moral status of the sacred child is so powerful that it is literally beyond discussion." [mijn nadruk] (205)
"The tendency on the part of moral entrepreneurs to hide behind the child and frame their message through the narrative of child protection is motivated by the recognition that it is a uniquely effective communication strategy. The cause of child protection enjoys formidable cultural support. Indeed the child has emerged as a very rare focus for moral consensus."(206)
"Hopefully, the demonology that surrounds the child predator will not have the staying power of its distinguished medieval predecessor. Why? Because throughout history, the security of children has relied on adults assuming responsibility for their welfare. The mistrust that now envelops intergenerational relations threatens to discourage many adults from assuming this responsibility. Indeed, there is now a generation of adults who have acquired the habit of distancing themselves from children and young people. Moral crusaders, whatever their intentions, have helped to create a world where many adults regard intergenerational relations as an inconvenience from which they would rather be exempt. Arguably, the disengagement of many adults from the world of children represents a far greater danger than the threat posed by a (thankfully) tiny group of predators. The best guarantee of children’s safety is the exercise of adult responsibility towards the younger generation. It is when adults take it on themselves to keep an eye on children – and not just simply their own – that youngsters can learn to feel genuinely safe." [mijn nadruk] (209)
"In this chapter, however, a moral panic will be considered centring on the welfare of animals slaughtered for meat according to the requirements of Islam and Judaism."(211)
[Niet interessant voor mij.]
"In this chapter, we deconstruct the moral panic around ‘sham marriage’ – otherwise known as marriages of convenience or marriage for immigration advantage – in Britain. We trace the moral panic over sham marriage, through its visual and provocative depiction in media coverage (newspaper articles, investigatory documentaries) to its propagation and perpetuation in the UK government’s continuing project of managing immigration. Marriage-related migration and settlement are a significant challenge to efforts to cap immigration, resulting in attempts to redraw the moral boundaries of immigration policy. Media and policy representations of ‘sham marriage’ must therefore be understood in this context in terms of the strategic positioning of moral entrepreneurs."(221)
[Ook niet intressant.]
"Roma mobility and settlement across Europe has been on-going for several centuries, subject to the same kind of ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors that many migrant groups have had to endure (Matras, 2014a). Similarly, anti-Roma discrimination, violence and deportations across Central and Eastern and Western Europe have ebbed and flowed over the years, dependent on factors that have been mostly external to Roma communities themselves (Pusca, 2012; Stewart, 2012)."(232)
[En dat is voldoende voor me. Zigeuners zijn altijd het onderwerp geweest van vervolging en morele paniek. Niets nieuws.]
"The controversy about assisted dying is concerned with whether or in what circumstances it is right for someone to assist another person in committing suicide or otherwise hastening the process of dying. Physician-assisted suicide (PAS) refers to assistance by healthcare professionals. Assisted dying has been a constant in medical ethics."(243)
"The illegality and moral unacceptability of assisted dying is therefore clearly the ‘established’ position in many societies, although this established moral settlement has been challenged by ‘right to die’ groups and individual campaigners, partly because of public opinion."(243)
"So, assisted dying is clearly a moral issue, but is it a moral panic?"(244)
"In most legal jurisdictions, euthanasia and assisted dying are illegal."(244)
"The two main areas of argument are moral and practical. The moral argument in favour of PAS asserts an individual’s rights to self-determination and control of their lives. Against PAS, ethical, moral and religious arguments assert the sanctity of life. The practical arguments in favour are that PAS offers relief from suffering, particularly where this becomes unbearable, and the main argument against is the ‘slippery slope’ argument, which I discuss below." [mijn nadruk] (244-245)
[Het leven is heilig? Is dat nog steeds een tegenargument?]
[Voegt weinig toe.]
"Understanding what is going on around us through a lens of moral panic may be more relevant than ever to an understanding of social concerns, for three different but related reasons."(261)
"The role that religion once played in laying down a moral order has been replaced by new moral guardians – the mainstream media and, increasingly, the twittersphere, within which domains moral norms are endlessly asserted and contested. For Bauman (1995), the ‘liquid’ modern world is thus characterised by fragmentation, discontinuity and inconsequentiality."(262)
"If moral panics are about ‘othering’ and social exclusion, then, we believe, the response to them ought to be grounded in attempts to introduce greater plurality and diversity into public discourse (see Young, 2007). A humane response requires the exercise of a moral or ethical imagination, or, as Pearson urged as long ago as 1973, social work must ‘reclaim its moral-political roots’ (Pearson, 1973, p 225). If we are to do so, we need to evaluate the truth-claims underlying scares and the criteria for the identification of any response that they propose." [mijn nadruk] (267)